THE POSTS MOSTLY BY GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION

THE POSTS MOSTLY BY GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION

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Boston artist Steve Mills - realistic painting

Sunday, June 17, 2012

U.S. Escalates Military Penetration of Africa


U.S. Escalates Military Penetration of Africa

Glen Ford




June 13, 2012

The Americans are preparing to establish a network of bases in Africa, initially to serve a 3,000-troop roving brigade to be deployed on the continent, next year. The brigade has all the markings of a permanent presence on African soil, while the bases are euphemistically called "safe communities." U.S. influence over African militaries is already pervasive. With the establishment of joint bases, "regime change will never be farther away than a drink at the officers club." All but a handful of Black African states routinely take part in military maneuvers staged by the Americans.
"Africa is to be dominated by military means."
According to the Army Times newspaper, the United States will soon deploy a brigade of about 3,000 troops – "and likely more" – for duty "across the continent" of Africa. The "pilot program" has all the markings of a permanent, roving presence, joining the 1,200 U.S. soldiers stationed in Djibouti and the 100-plus Special Forces dispatched to Central Africa by President Obama, last October.
As always and everywhere, the U.S. is looking for bases to occupy – although the U.S. military command in Africa doesn’t call them bases. Rather, "as part of a 'regionally’ aligned force concept,’ soldiers will live and work among Africans in safe communities approved by the U.S. government," said AFRICOM’s Maj. Gen. David Hogg.
The First Black U.S. President, who in 2009 lectured Africans that "corruption" and "poor governance," rather than neocolonialism, were the continent’s biggest problems, has made the U.S. military the primarily interlocutor with African states. Functions that were once the purview of the U.S. State Department, such as distribution of economic aid and medical assistance, are now part of AFRICOM’s vast portfolio. In Africa, more than anyplace in the world, U.S. foreign policy wears a uniform – which should leave little doubt as to Washington’s objectives in the region: Africa is to be dominated by military means. Obama’s "good governance" smokescreen for U.S. neocolonialism is embedded in AFRICOM’s stated mission: "to deter and defeat transnational threats and to provide a security environment conducive to good governance and development." Translation: to bring the so-called war on terror to every corner of the continent and ensure that U.S. corporate interests get favorable treatment from African governments.
"In Africa, more than anyplace in the world, U.S. foreign policy wears a uniform."
AFRICOM’s array of alliances and agreements with African militaries already embraces virtually every nation on the continent except Eritrea and Zimbabwe. All but a handful of Black African states routinely take part in military maneuvers staged by Americans, utilizing U.S. command-and-control equipment and practices. The new, roving U.S. brigade will further institutionalize U.S. ties with the African officer class, part of AFRICOM’s mission to forge deep "soldier-to-soldier" relationships: general-to-general, colonel-to-colonel, and so forth down the line. The proposed network of "safe communities" to accommodate the highly mobile U.S. brigade is a euphemism for joint bases and the most intense U.S. fraternization with local African militaries. Regime change will never be farther away than a drink at the officers club.
According to the Army Times article, the composition of the new brigade, in terms of military skills, is not yet known. However, the brigade is conceived as part of the "new readiness model," which "affords Army units more time to learn regional cultures and languages and train for specific threats and missions." This sounds like special ops units – Rangers and Special Forces – which have been vastly expanded under President Obama (and are quite capable of carrying out regime-change operations on their own or in close coordination with their local counterparts).
In most cases, coups will be unnecessary. Regional African "trade" blocs like ECOWAS, the 16-member Economic Community of West African States, and IGAD, the six-nation Intergovernmental Authority on Development, in East Africa, have provided African cover for U.S. and French military/political designs in the Ivory Coast and Somalia, respectively. These blocs will doubtless become even more useful and compliant, as U.S. military commanders and their African counterparts get cozier in those "safe communities."
"The Americans are following a European chart in Africa that goes back centuries."
Americans, no matter how bloody their hands, have always liked to think of themselves as "innocents abroad." "As far as our mission goes, it’s uncharted territory," said AFRICOM’s Gen. Hogg. Not really. The Americans are following a European chart in Africa that goes back centuries, and their own long experience in the serial rape of Latin America, where the close fraternization of U.S. and Latin American militaries in recent decades smothered the region in juntas, dirty wars, torture-based states, and outright genocide.
The U.S. and its African allies perpetrated of the worst genocide since World War Two: the death of six million in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. Uganda, which acts as a mercenary for the U.S. in Africa, is complicit in mega-death in Congo and Somalia. As Milton Allimadi, publisher of Black Star News, reported: "In 2005 The International Court of Justice (ICJ) found Uganda liable for the Congo crimes. The court awarded Congo $10 billion in reparations. Uganda's army plundered Congo's wealth and committed: mass rapes of both women and men; disemboweled pregnant women; burned people inside their homes alive; and, massacred innocents."
Naturally, as a henchman of the United States, Uganda has not paid the $10 billion it owes Congo. Ugandan leader Yoweria Museveni, who became Ronald Reagan’s favorite African after seizing power in 1986 with a guerilla army packed with child soldiers, and who for decades waged genocidal war against the Acholi people of his country, now plays host to the Special Forces continent sent by President Obama, ostensibly to fight the child soldier-abusing Joseph Kony and his nearly nonexistent Lord’s Resistance Army.
"Uganda, which acts as a mercenary for the U.S. in Africa, is complicit in mega-death in Congo and Somalia."
Rwanda, the Pentagon’s other hit man on the continent, has been cited by a United Nations report as bearing responsibility for some of the millions slaughtered in Congo, as part of its ongoing rape and plunder of its neighbor.
Gen. Hogg says AFRICOM’s mission is to combat famine and disease. Yetthe AFRICOM-assisted Ethiopian invasion of Somalia in late 2006 led to "the worst humanitarian crisis in Africa – worse than Darfur," according to United Nations observers. The 2007 humanitarian crisis and the escalating U.S.-directed war against Somalia made the 2010 famine all but inevitable.
Ugandan soldiers, nominally working for the African Union but in the pay of the Pentagon, kept watch over western interests in the starving country, as did the 1,200 soldiers stationed at the U.S. base in neighboring Djibouti – a permanent presence, along with the French garrison.
There’s nothing "uncharted" or mysterious about AFRICOM’s mission. The introduction of the 3,000-strong mobile brigade and a network of supporting bases prepares the way for the arrival of much larger U.S. and NATO forces – the recolonization of Africa. Gen. Hogg swears up and down there are no such plans. "For all the challenges that happen and sprout up across Africa, it really comes down to, it has to be an African solution," he said.
That’s exactly the same thing they said in Iraq, Afghanistan, and Libya.
BAR executive editor Glen Ford can be contacted at Glen.Ford@BlackAgendaReport.com.

The New Obama Doctrine, A Six-Point Plan for Global War


The New Obama Doctrine, A Six-Point Plan for Global War

By Nick Turse




Special Ops, Drones, Spy Games, Civilian Soldiers, Proxy Fighters, and Cyber Warfare 

June 13, 2012


It looked like a scene out of a Hollywood movie.  In the inky darkness, men in full combat gear, armed with automatic weapons and wearing night-vision goggles, grabbed hold of a thick, woven cable hanging from a MH-47 Chinook helicopter.  Then, in a flash, each "fast-roped" down onto a ship below.  Afterward, "Mike," a Navy SEAL who would not give his last name, bragged to an Army public affairs sergeant that, when they were on their game, the SEALs could put 15 men on a ship this way in 30 seconds or less.

Once on the aft deck, the special ops troops broke into squads and methodically searched the ship as it bobbed in Jinhae Harbor, South Korea.  Below deck and on the bridge, the commandos located several men and trained their weapons on them, but nobody fired a shot.  It was, after all, a training exercise.

All of those ship-searchers were SEALs, but not all of them were American.  Some were from Naval Special Warfare Group 1 out of Coronado, California; others hailed from South Korea’s Naval Special Brigade.  The drill was part of Foal Eagle 2012, a multinational, joint-service exercise.  It was also a model for -- and one small part of -- a much publicized U.S. military "pivot" from the Greater Middle East to Asia, a move that includes sending an initial contingent of 250 Marines to Darwin, Australia, basing littoral combat ships in Singapore, strengthening military ties with Vietnam and India, staging war games in the Philippines (as well as a drone strike there), and shifting the majority of the Navy’s ships to the Pacific by the end of the decade.

That modest training exercise also reflected another kind of pivot.  The face of American-style war-fighting is once again changing.  Forget full-scale invasions and large-footprint occupations on the Eurasian mainland; instead, think: special operations forces working on their own but also training or fighting beside allied militaries (if not outright proxy armies) in hot spots around the world.  And along with those special ops advisors, trainers, and commandos expect ever more funds and efforts to flow into the militarization of spying and intelligence, the use of drone aircraft, the launching of cyber-attacks, and joint Pentagon operations with increasingly militarized "civilian" government agencies.

Much of this has been noted in the media, but how it all fits together into what could be called the new global face of empire has escaped attention.  And yet this represents nothing short of a new Obama doctrine, a six-point program for twenty-first-century war, American-style, that the administration is now carefully developing and honing.  Its global scope is already breathtaking, if little recognized, and like Donald Rumsfeld’s military lite and David Petraeus’s counterinsurgency operations, it is evidently going to have its day in the sun -- and like them, it will undoubtedly disappoint in ways that will surprise its creators.

The Blur-ness

For many years, the U.S. military has been talking up and promoting the concept of "jointness."  An Army helicopter landing Navy SEALs on a Korean ship catches some of this ethos at the tactical level.  But the future, it seems, has something else in store.  Think of it as "blur-ness," a kind of organizational version of war-fighting in which a dominant Pentagon fuses its forces with other government agencies -- especially the CIA, the State Department, and the Drug Enforcement Administration -- in complex, overlapping missions around the globe.

In 2001, Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld began his "revolution in military affairs," steering the Pentagon toward a military-lite model of high-tech, agile forces.  The concept came to a grim end in Iraq’s embattled cities.  A decade later, the last vestiges of its many failures continue to play out in a stalemated war in Afghanistan against a rag-tag minority insurgency that can’t be beaten.  In the years since, two secretaries of defense and a new president have presided over another transformation -- this one geared toward avoiding ruinous, large-scale land wars which the U.S. has consistently proven unable to win.

Under President Obama, the U.S. has expanded or launched numerous military campaigns -- most of them utilizing a mix of the six elements of twenty-first-century American war.  Take the American war in Pakistan -- a poster-child for what might now be called the Obama formula, if not doctrine.  Beginning as a highly-circumscribed drone assassination campaign backed by limited cross-border commando raids under the Bush administration, U.S. operations in Pakistan have expanded into something close to a full-scale robotic air war, complemented by cross-border helicopter attacks, CIA-funded "kill teams" of Afghan proxy forces, as well as boots-on-the-ground missions by elite special operations forces, including the SEAL raid that killed Osama bin Laden.

The CIA has conducted clandestine intelligence and surveillance missions in Pakistan, too, though its role may, in the future, be less important, thanks to Pentagon mission creep.  In April, in fact, Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta announced the creation of a new CIA-like espionage agency within the Pentagon called the Defense Clandestine Service. According to the Washington Post, its aim is to expand "the military’s espionage efforts beyond war zones."

Over the last decade, the very notion of war zones has become remarkably muddled, mirroring the blurring of the missions and activities of the CIA and Pentagon.  Analyzing the new agency and the "broader convergence trend" between Department of Defense and CIA missions, the Post noted that the "blurring is also evident in the organizations’ upper ranks. Panetta previously served as CIA director, and that post is currently held by retired four-star Army Gen. David H. Petraeus."

Not to be outdone, last year the State Department, once the seat of diplomacy, continued on its long march to militarization (and marginalization) when it agreed to pool some of its resources with the Pentagon to create the Global Security Contingency Fund.  That program will allow the Defense Department even greater say in how aid from Washington will flow to proxy forces in places like Yemen and the Horn of Africa.

One thing is certain: American war-making (along with its spies and its diplomats) is heading ever deeper into "the shadows."  Expect yet more clandestine operations in ever more places with, of course, ever more potential for blowback in the years ahead.

Shedding Light on "the Dark Continent"

One locale likely to see an influx of Pentagon spies in the coming years is Africa.  Under President Obama, operations on the continent have accelerated far beyond the more limited interventions of the Bush years.  Last year’s war in Libya; a regional drone campaign with missions run out of airports and bases in Djibouti, Ethiopia, and the Indian Ocean archipelago nation of Seychelles; a flotilla of 30 ships in that ocean supporting regional operations; a multi-pronged military and CIA campaign against militants in Somalia, including intelligence operations, training for Somali agents, secret prisons, helicopter attacks, and U.S. commando raids; a massive influx of cash for counterterrorism operations across East Africa; a possible old-fashioned air war, carried out on the sly in the region using manned aircraft; tens of millions of dollars in arms for allied mercenaries and African troops; and a special ops expeditionary force (bolstered by State Department experts) dispatched to help capture or kill Lord’s Resistance Army leader Joseph Kony and his senior commanders, operating in Uganda, South Sudan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and the Central African Republic (where U.S. Special Forces now have a new base) only begins to scratch the surface of Washington’s fast-expanding plans and activities in the region.

Even less well known are other U.S. military efforts designed to train African forces for operations now considered integral to American interests on the continent.  These include, for example, a mission by elite Force Recon Marines from the Special Purpose Marine Air Ground Task Force 12 (SPMAGTF-12) to train soldiers from the Uganda People's Defense Force, which supplies the majority of troops to the African Union Mission in Somalia.

Earlier this year, Marines from SPMAGTF-12 also trained soldiers from the Burundi National Defense Force, the second-largest contingent in Somalia; sent trainers into Djibouti (where the U.S. already maintains a major Horn of Africa base at Camp Lemonier); and traveled to Liberia where they focused on teaching riot-control techniques to Liberia’s military as part of an otherwise State Department spearheaded effort to rebuild that force.

The U.S. is also conducting counterterrorism training and equipping militaries in Algeria, Burkina Faso, Chad, Mauritania, Niger, and Tunisia.  In addition, U.S. Africa Command (Africom) has 14 major joint-training exercises planned for 2012, including operations in Morocco, Cameroon, Gabon, Botswana, South Africa, Lesotho, Senegal, and what may become the Pakistan of Africa, Nigeria.

Even this, however, doesn’t encompass the full breadth of U.S. training and advising missions in Africa.  To take an example not on Africom’s list, this spring the U.S. brought together 11 nations, including Cote d’Ivoire, The Gambia, Liberia, Mauritania, and Sierra Leone to take part in a maritime training exercise code-named Saharan Express 2012.

Back in the Backyard

Since its founding, the United States has often meddled close to home, treating the Caribbean as its private lake and intervening at will throughout Latin America.  During the Bush years, with some notable exceptions, Washington’s interest in America’s "backyard" took a backseat to wars farther from home.  Recently, however, the Obama administration has been ramping up operations south of the border using its new formula.  This has meant Pentagon drone missions deep inside Mexico to aid that country’s battle against the drug cartels, while CIA agents and civilian operatives from the Department of Defense were dispatched to Mexican military bases to take part in the country’s drug war.

In 2012, the Pentagon has also ramped up its anti-drug operations in Honduras. Working out of Forward Operating Base Mocoron and other remote camps there, the U.S. military is supporting Honduran operations by way of the methods it honed in Iraq and Afghanistan.  In addition, U.S. forces have taken part in joint operations with Honduran troops as part of a training mission dubbed Beyond the Horizon 2012; Green Berets have been assisting Honduran Special Operations forces in anti-smuggling operations; and a Drug Enforcement Administration Foreign-deployed Advisory Support Team, originally created to disrupt the poppy trade in Afghanistan, has joined forces with Honduras’s Tactical Response Team, that country’s most elite counternarcotics unit.  A glimpse of these operations made the news recently when DEA agents, flying in an American helicopter, were involved in an aerial attack on civilians that killed two men and two pregnant women in the remote Mosquito Coast region.  

Less visible have been U.S. efforts in Guyana, where Special Operation Forces have been training local troops in heliborne air assault techniques.  "This is the first time we have had this type of exercise involving Special Operations Forces of the United States on such a grand scale," Colonel Bruce Lovell of the Guyana Defense Force told a U.S. public affairs official earlier this year.  "It gives us a chance to validate ourselves and see where we are, what are our shortcomings."

The U.S. military has been similarly active elsewhere in Latin America, concluding training exercises in Guatemala, sponsoring "partnership-building" missions in the Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Peru, and Panama, and reaching an agreement to carry out 19 "activities" with the Colombian army over the next year, including joint military exercises.

Still in the Middle of the Middle East

Despite the end of the Iraq and Libyan wars, a coming drawdown of forces in Afghanistan, and copious public announcements about its national security pivot toward Asia, Washington is by no means withdrawing from the Greater Middle East.  In addition to continuing operations in Afghanistan, the U.S. has consistently been at work training allied troops, building up military bases, and brokering weapons sales and arms transfers to despots in the region from Bahrain to Yemen.

In fact, Yemen, like its neighbor, Somalia, across the Gulf of Aden, has become a laboratory for Obama’s wars.  There, the U.S. is carrying out its signature new brand of warfare with "black ops" troops like the SEALs and the Army’s Delta Force undoubtedly conducting kill/capture missions, while "white" forces like the Green Berets and Rangers are training indigenous troops, and robot planes hunt and kill members of al-Qaeda and its affiliates, possibly assisted by an even more secret contingent of manned aircraft.

The Middle East has also become the somewhat unlikely poster-region for another emerging facet of the Obama doctrine: cyberwar efforts.  In a category-blurring speaking engagement, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton surfaced at the recent Special Operations Forces Industry Conference in Florida where she gave a speech talking up her department’s eagerness to join in the new American way of war.  "We need Special Operations Forces who are as comfortable drinking tea with tribal leaders as raiding a terrorist compound,'' she told the crowd. "We also need diplomats and development experts who are up to the job of being your partners."

Clinton then took the opportunity to tout her agency’s online efforts, aimed at websites used by al-Qaeda's affiliate in Yemen.  When al-Qaeda recruitment messages appeared on the latter, she said, "our team plastered the same sites with altered versions… that showed the toll al-Qaeda attacks have taken on the Yemeni people."  She further noted that this information-warfare mission was carried out by experts at State’s Center for Strategic Counterterrorism Communications with assistance, not surprisingly, from the military and the U.S. Intelligence Community.

These modest on-line efforts join more potent methods of cyberwar being employed by the Pentagon and the CIA, including the recently revealed "Olympic Games," a program of sophisticated attacks on computers in Iran’s nuclear enrichment facilities engineered and unleashed by the National Security Agency (NSA) and Unit 8200, Israeli’s equivalent of the NSA.  As with other facets of the new way of war, these efforts were begun under the Bush administration but significantly accelerated under the current president, who became the first American commander-in-chief to order sustained cyberattacks designed to cripple another country’s infrastructure.

From Brushfires to Wildfires

Across the globe from Central and South America to Africa, the Middle East, and Asia, the Obama administration is working out its formula for a new American way of war.  In its pursuit, the Pentagon and its increasingly militarized government partners are drawing on everything from classic precepts of colonial warfare to the latest technologies.

The United States is an imperial power chastened by more than 10 years of failed, heavy-footprint wars.  It is hobbled by a hollowing-out economy, and inundated with hundreds of thousands of recent veterans -- a staggering 45% of the troops who fought in Afghanistan and Iraq -- suffering from service-related disabilities who will require ever more expensive care.  No wonder the current combination of special ops, drones, spy games, civilian soldiers, cyberwarfare, and proxy fighters sounds like a safer, saner brand of war-fighting.  At first blush, it may even look like a panacea for America’s national security ills.  In reality, it may be anything but.

The new light-footprint Obama doctrine actually seems to be making war an ever more attractive and seemingly easy option -- a point emphasized recently by former Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Peter Pace.  "I worry about speed making it too easy to employ force," said Pace when asked about recent efforts to make it simpler to deploy Special Operations Forces abroad.  "I worry about speed making it too easy to take the easy answer -- let's go whack them with special operations -- as opposed to perhaps a more laborious answer for perhaps a better long-term solution."

As a result, the new American way of war holds great potential for unforeseen entanglements and serial blowback.  Starting or fanning brushfire wars on several continents could lead to raging wildfires that spread unpredictably and prove difficult, if not impossible, to quench.

By their very nature, small military engagements tend to get larger, and wars tend to spread beyond borders.  By definition, military action tends to have unforeseen consequences.  Those who doubt this need only look back to 2001, when three low-tech attacks on a single day set in motion a decade-plus of war that has spread across the globe.  The response to that one day began with a war in Afghanistan, that spread to Pakistan, detoured to Iraq, popped up in Somalia and Yemen, and so on.  Today, veterans of those Ur-interventions find themselves trying to replicate their dubious successes in places like Mexico and Honduras, the Central Africa Republic and the Congo.  

History demonstrates that the U.S. is not very good at winning wars, having gone without victory in any major conflict since 1945.  Smaller interventions have been a mixed bag with modest victories in places like Panama and Grenada and ignominious outcomes in Lebanon (in the 1980s) and Somalia (in the 1990s), to name a few.

The trouble is, it’s hard to tell what an intervention will grow up to be -- until it’s too late.  While they followed different paths, Vietnam, Afghanistan, and Iraq all began relatively small, before growing large and ruinous.  Already, the outlook for the new Obama doctrine seems far from rosy, despite the good press it’s getting inside Washington’s Beltway.

What looks today like a formula for easy power projection that will further U.S. imperial interests on the cheap could soon prove to be an unmitigated disaster -- one that likely won’t be apparent until it’s too late.

Nick Turse is the associate editor of TomDispatch.com.  An award-winning journalist, his work has appeared in the Los Angeles Times, the Nation, and regularly at TomDispatch. He is the author/editor of several books, including the just published Terminator Planet: The First History of Drone Warfare, 2001-2050 (with Tom Engelhardt).  This piece is the latest article in his new series on the changing face of American empire, which is being underwritten by Lannan Foundation.  You can follow him on Twitter @NickTurse, on Tumblr, and on Facebook.

Copyright 2012 Nick Turse

The imperial agenda of the US's 'Africa Command' marches on


The imperial agenda of the US's 'Africa Command' marches on

Dan Glazebrook




With mission accomplished in Libya, Africom now has few obstacles to its military ambitions on the continent

June 14, 2012

"The less they see of us, the less they will dislike us." So remarked Frederick Roberts, British general during the Anglo-Afghan war of 1878-80, ushering in a policy of co-opting Afghan leaders to control their people on the empire's behalf.

"Indirect rule", as it was called, was long considered the linchpin of British imperial success, and huge swaths of that empire were conquered, not by British soldiers, but by soldiers recruited elsewhere in the empire. It was always hoped that the dirty work of imperial control could be conducted without spilling too much white man's blood.

It is a lesson that has been re-learned in recent years. The ever-rising western body counts in Iraq and Afghanistan have reminded politicians that colonial wars in which their own soldiers are killed do not win them popularity at home. The hope in both cases is that US and British soldiers can be safely extricated, leaving a proxy force of allies to kill opponents of the new regime on our behalf.

And so too in Africa.

To reassert its waning influence on the continent in the face of growing Chinese investment, the US established Africom – the "Africa Command" of the US military – in October 2008. Africom co-ordinates all US military activity in Africa and, according to its mission statement, "contributes to increasing security and stability in Africa – allowing African states and regional organizations to promote democracy, to expand development, to provide for their common defense, and to better serve their people".

However, in more unguarded moments, officials have been more straightforward: Vice Admiral Robert Moeller declared in a conference in 2008 that Africom was about preserving "the free flow of natural resources from Africa to the global market", and two years later, in a piece in Foreign policy magazine, wrote: "Let there be no mistake. Africom's job is to protect American lives and promote American interests." Through this body, western powers are resorting to the use of military power to win back the leverage once attained through financial monopoly.

The small number of US personnel actually working for Africom – approximately 2,000 – belies both the ambition of the project and the threat it poses to genuine African independence. The idea, once again, is that it will not be US or European forces fighting and dying for western interests in the coming colonial wars against Africa, but Africans. The US soldiers employed by Africom are not there to fight, but to direct; the great hope is that the African Union's forces can be subordinated to a chain of command headed by Africom.

Libya was a test case. The first war actually commanded by Africom, it proved remarkably successful – a significant regional power was destroyed without the loss of a single US or European soldier. But the significance of this war for Africom went much deeper than that for, in taking out Muammar Gaddafi, Africom had actually eliminated the project's fiercest adversary.

Gaddafi ended his political life as a dedicated pan-Africanist and, whatever one thought of the man, it is clear that his vision for African was very different from that of the subordinate supplier of cheap labour and raw materials that Africom was created to maintain. He was not only the driving force behind the creation of the African Union in 2002, but had also served as its elected head, and made Libya its biggest financial donor. To the dismay of some of his African colleagues, he used his time as leader to push for a "United States of Africa", with a single currency, single army and single passport. More concretely, Gaddafi's Libya had an estimated $150bn worth of investment in Africa – often in social infrastructure and development projects, and this largesse bought him many friends, particularly in the smaller nations. As long as Gaddafi retained this level of influence in Africa, Africom was going to founder.

Since his removal, however, the organisation has been rolling full steam ahead. It is no coincidence that within months of the fall of Tripoli – and in the same month as Gaddafi's execution – President Obama announced the deployment of 100 US special forces to four different African countries, including Uganda. Ostensibly to aid the "hunt for Joseph Kony", they are instead training Africans to fight the US's proxy war in Somalia – where 2,000 more Ugandan soldiers had been sent the previous month.

Fourteen major joint military exercises between Africom and African states are also due to take place this year; and a recent press release from the Africa Partnership Station – Africom's naval training programme – explained that 2013's operations will be moving "away from a training-intensive program" and into the field of "real-world operations".

This is a far cry from the Africa of 2007, which refused to allow Africom a base on African soil, forcing it to establish its headquarters in Stuttgart, Germany. Gaddafi's Libya had served not only as a bulwark against US military designs on the continent, but also as a crucial bridge between black Africa south of the Sahara and Arab Africa in the north. The racism of the new Nato-installed Libyan regime, currently supporting what amounts to a nationwide pogrom against the country's black population, serves to tear down this bridge and push back the prospects for African unity still further.

With Africom on the march and its strongest opponent gone, the African Union now faces the biggest choice in its history: is it to become a force for regional integration and independence, or merely a conduit for continued western military aggression against the continent?

5 Fallacies in Gaza


5 Fallacies in Gaza
Facts of Life 5 Years in to the Blockade: trapped by land, air and sea

Medical Aid for Palestinians




14-14-f-gaza5.jpg
June 14, 2012

Facts of Life 5 Years in to the Blockade: trapped by land, air and sea.[i]

1. There are always more fish in the sea. Only if you have access to catch them.
Since January 2009, Israeli naval forces have restricted the access of Palestinian fishing boats to three nautical miles from Gaza's coast, blocking off access to around 85 percent of Gaza's fishing water.[ii] In practice, access is sometimes restricted to as little as one nautical mile. Since 2008, the sea blockade has reduced the main fishing catch, sardines, by 90 percent.[iii]Since the beginning of the blockade in June 2007, the Palestinian fishing yield has decreased by 7,000 metric tons - representing an overall loss of around US$26.5 million.[iv] Restrictions have reduced 90 percent of Gaza's fishermen to poverty.[v] Fishing has also become physically dangerous. In 2011, there were at least 72 reported incidents of Israel naval vessels opening fire on Palestinian fishing boats, with 4 fishermen injured and 1 lost at sea[vi]. In addition to incidents of live fire, fishing boats are often forced ashore, with 43 fishermen reportedly arrested and subjected to interrogation last year.[vii]

2. An education is the best way to get ahead. Unless there is no opportunity to put your education to work.
34 percent of Gaza's workforce, including half its youth, is unemployed.[viii]Since the blockade started in 2007, nearly 30 percent of Gaza's businesses have closed and an additional 15 percent have laid-off 80 percent of their staff.[ix] Without opportunities to earn their own income, 80 percent of people in Gaza receive aid to get by.[x] Primary and secondary education has also been hard hit by the blockade. Due to the ban on import of construction material and delays getting approved materials in there is a shortage of 230 schools in Gaza.[xi] The shortage means that 85 percent of schools in Gaza run on half-day, double shifts- leading to a reduction in children's class time and the elimination of extracurricular activities, damaging the quality of children's education.[xii]

3. Flowers can brighten your day. But they alone can't rebuild the economy.
The annual level of exports in 2011 was less than 3 percent of pre-blockade levels, with flowers being one of the few items allowed out.[xiii] In 2012, 9 million stems of carnations were exported from Gaza during flower season, which is 2 million less than were exported in 2011 and 41 million less than were exported before the blockade started in 2007.[xiv] Since the beginning of the blockade, exports from Gaza have been almost entirely limited to agricultural products destined for the Netherlands as part of a special agreement with the Dutch government. During this time, no exports from Gaza have entered Israel and just a few truckloads of date-bars were allowed to go to the West Bank. Before the blockade Israel and the West Bank accounted for more than 80 percent of Gaza's exports.[xv] The near ban on other traditional export products (such as textiles, furniture, and processed foods) coupled with limitations on the import of raw materials needed for production, has all but devastated Gaza's economy. With access to 35 percent of Gaza's agricultural land restricted by the so-called 'buffer zone,'[xvi] or Access Restricted Area, domestic production has also fallen. Due to the restrictions on cultivating land in this area the annual agricultural yield has reduced by 75,000 metric tons, representing a loss of US $50.2 million each year for the farmers in Gaza.[xvii]The lives and livelihoods of an estimated 178,000 people are directly affected, with boundaries of the Access Restricted Area often enforced by live fire.[xviii] Since the beginning of 2012, there have been at least 41 incidents of the Israeli army opening fire on civilians in the Access Restricted Area with 1 civilian killed and 57 others injured.[xix]

4. Drink at least 8 glasses of water a day. Just not from the tap.
90-95 percent of the water from Gaza's underground water aquifer is not safe to drink.[xx] Without safe drinking water from their tap, most people in Gaza pay for water from private vendors. This water isn't much safer, however, as it was found to have 10 times more pollutants than is considered safe to drink.[xxi] The blockade has banned or delayed construction materials and spare parts needed to repair Gaza's collapsing water and sanitation network. Without proper water and sanitation services, 90 million litres of untreated or partially treated sewage is dumped into Gaza's sea every day. As the sewage floats, it brings health implications extending beyond the entire accessible fishing zone.[xxii] If you get sick from the water you can't count on a quick prescription cure. More than 202 out of 480 essential drugs in Gaza are currently out of stock.[xxiii]


5. An open border means free movementThe opening of Rafah doesn't mean free movement for people or goods.
While an average of 920 people use the Rafah border crossing between Gaza and Egypt every day they still need to get security clearance from the government of Israel before they can cross.[xxiv] Using the Rafah border crossing also doesn't help Palestinians in Gaza get everywhere they want to be. In 2012, on average, there are only 4,000 crossings made by Palestinians travelling through Erez each month. This is compared to more than half a million departures through Erez in September 2000.[xxv] The opening of Rafah border crossing also has little to no impact on the movement of goods, as it is not equipped for commercial purposes. Of the 4 crossings between Gaza and Israel that are equipped to handle imports and exports, 2 have been permanently closed and 1 was demolished. At the 1 remaining crossing (Kerem Shalom), the level of imports remains between 40 and 50 percent of pre-blockade levels, with limitations on vital goods, such as construction materials, agricultural inputs, spare parts and fuels in place.[xxvi] While many of these items are available on the black market through the underground tunnels beneath Gaza and Egypt, supply and quality are not consistent- and without jobs, those most affected by the blockade are unable to afford them.
The Association of International Development Agencies (AIDA) is a coordinating body of more than 80 international aid and development agencies working in the Occupied Palestinian Territory and Israel. The above is for information only and not attributable to AIDA, but to the sources cited.
[i] Following the Hamas takeover of the Gaza Strip in June 2007, Israel has imposed an unprecedented blockade on all border crossings in and out of the Gaza Strip. A maritime blockade was also enforced, now at 3 nautical miles from the Gaza coast line.
[ii] Oxfam, Weekly Gaza Update, 20- 26 May 2012. Israel also enforces an air blockade.
[iii] Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, 'The Monthly Humanitarian Monitor,' November 2011.
[iv] Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, 'Fragmented Lives. Humanitarian Overview 2011,' May 2012.
[v] 90% of Gaza's 4000 fishermen are now considered either poor (with a monthly income of between 100 and 190 US dollars) or very poor (earning less than 100 dollars a month), up from 50% in 2008. International Committee for the Red Cross, 'Gaza closure: not another year!, June 2011.
[vi] Oxfam, Gaza Update, 2011. Figures compiled from United Nations Relief Work Agency Daily Situation Reports for 2011.
[vii] Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, Update The Access Restricted Areas in the Gaza Strip,
January-December 2011.
[viii] OCHA factsheet, June 2012.
[ix] Palestinian Federation of Industries, May 2012 .
[x] Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics, Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, United Nations Refugee and Works Agency for Palestine Refugee and World Food Programme, 'Socio-Economic and Food Security (SEFSec survey, 2011.
[xi] Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, Humanitarian Monitor, July 2011. Israel has approved the construction of approximately 40 new schools in the Gaza Strip, although these buildings have not started. There are often significant delays in material entering to begin projects.
[xii] Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, The Monthly Humanitarian Monitor, June 2011.
[xiii] Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, Factsheet, June 2012.
[xiv] Oxfam, Weekly Gaza Update, 29 April- 5 May 2012.
[xv] Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, 'Fragmented Lives,' May 2012.
[xvi] Initially unilaterally enforced up to 150-metre, Israel extended it to 300 metres in May 2009. The precise areas designated by Israel as the "buffer zone" are unknown and at times extend up to 1.5 kilometers inside the Gaza Strip, which is only 5-12 kilometers wide. Israel restricts Palestinians' access to the land located in the "buffer zone", sometimes through the use of live fire. From January to May 2011, at least 19 civilians have been killed, including seven children and 252 others were injured, including 73 children. (Diakonia, 2012)
[xvii] Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, Between the Fence and a Hard Place, 2010.
[xviii] Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, Between the Fence and a Hard Place, August 2010.
[xix] Oxfam, Weekly Gaza Update, 20- 26 May 2012.
[xx] EWASH, How Gaza's Blockade Impacts on Water and Sanitation, February 2011.
[xxi] Save the Children and Medical Aid for Palestine, 'Gaza's Children: Falling Behind. The Effect of the Blockade on Child Health in Gaza,' June 2012.
[xxii]Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, June 2012.
[xxiii] Information received from the Gaza Central Drug Store, May 2012.
[xxiv] Human Rights Watch, 'World Report 2012: Israel/Occupied Palestinian Territories' January 2012.
[xxv] Gisha, A Guide to the Gaza Closure: In Israel's Own Words, September 2011.
[xxvi] Oxfam, Weekly Gaza Update, 20-26 May 2012.

Obama's drone war


Obama's drone war

The Frontier Post





June 14, 2012

The word is out. US President Barack Obama's drone war stands deeply mired in disrepute and abhorrence worldwide, for which his own public approval ratings too have sharply plummeted globally. Since assumption of office, he has given not just big spurt to the US drone assaults abroad but he also personally approves the targets to be taken out. Not just that. He has given a new twist to the US drone attack policy. The targets are now the suspect compounds, unlike in the past when the suspect al-Qaeda operatives were taken on.
And out of the 20 countries the US-based Pew Global pollster has surveyed, more than half of the respondents in 17 disapprove of Obama's drone attacks on extremist leaders and groups in Pakistan, Yemen and Somalia. The strongest opposition was in the surveyed Muslim countries of Egypt, Jordan and Turkey while the public response in Pakistan the pollster is to release next weak. In Egypt 89 percent, in Jordan 85 percent and in Turkey 81 percent respondents opposed his drone attacks.

But, significantly, the opposition was overwhelming in the European countries. The biggest opposition was registered in Greece where 90 percent asked for immediate cessation of these attacks. The drone strikes likewise drew strong opposition in Spain, Brazil, Russia and Britain. The only country where Obama's drone war elicited the highest approval was none else but the United States of America itself. And that is quite understandable.

So long as the American lives and limbs are not at stake, the American people give two hoots if their militarists mow down even the innocent people abroad like flies with their naked adventurisms. It is only the American lives that come precious to them. Others' come dirt cheap to them. As the renowned international human rights watchdogs, civil society groups and even the UN rights workers are crying hoarse that these US drones are exacting a heavy toll on civilian lives, the American people and warlords are in total denial. Their drone technology is precise and accurate, they insist, unconvincingly.
But who knows? The Hellfire missiles their pilotless murder machines fire reduce the struck into just unrecognisable ash and mangled bodies. One knows not wherefrom they and their collusive national spy agencies of the targeted states fish out eyewitnesses to confirm that only the extremists and militants had been hit. But more often than not, one hears the surviving family members of the struck compounds and their neighbours mourning woefully that the innocent civilians had mostly, if not wholly, been slaughtered in the attack.
Of course, the American warlords and their colluding foreign state operatives dismiss this wailing derisively. The mourners are just making up, they normally chant nonchalantly. But the human rights workers have gone out into the field, collected information from various sources, including independent eyewitnesses and surviving family members, and concluded that the US drone attacks are causing horrifically enormous, what the American warlords call deceptively, collateral damage.

In plain simple language, this collateral damage means the massacre of the innocent civilians, including children and women, who die for no sin or crime of theirs. And this carnage, which the rights watchdogs call rightly and truthfully extrajudicial killings, has just touched the horrendous proportions. But the American people seem least bothered. At least 62 percent of them are all for Obama's drone war.

Indeed this smacks of the beginning of what some strategists perceive as America's gradual transformation towards fighting its future wars not by piloted jetfighters, warships, tanks, guns and soldiers, but by drones and robots. That may be a far-fetched prognosis. But the long-held secret is now out that in Afghanistan the American military has been supplied shoulder-carried drones which their field commanders employ to attack and take out the enemy targets without endangering the lives of their own soldiers. And they are increasingly making use of this latest war weapon.

In any case, what the future holds about America's war machine the time will tell. But for the present, Obama's drone war is certainly leading up to the heightening of ant-Americanism at least in the Muslim world and eating into his own popularity worldwide.

Weekly Report On Israeli Human Rights Violations in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (07– 13 June 2012)


Weekly Report On Israeli Human Rights Violations in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (07– 13 June 2012)

The Palestinian Centre for Human Rights (PCHR)




14pchr-24w24.jpg
The annexation wall cuts off occupied Jerusalem from the West Bank

June 14, 2012

Israeli Occupation Forces (IOF) Continue Systematic Attacks against Palestinian Civilians and Property in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT)

IOF continued to fire at Palestinian communities and agricultural areas in the Gaza Strip.

IOF use force to disperse peaceful protest organized by Palestinian civilians in the West Bank.
Dozens of demonstrators suffered from tear gas inhalation.

IOF conducted 43 incursions into Palestinian communities in the West Bank and two limited ones into the Gaza Strip.   
IOF arrested 18 Palestinian civilians, including 4 children, in the West Bank.
IOF razed 43 dunums[1] of agricultural land and destroyed irrigation networks and agricultural pools in the Gaza Strip.

IOF continued to attack Palestinian fishermen in the Gaza Strip.
IOF launched 6 Palestinian fishermen.

Israel has continued to impose a total closure on the OPT and has isolated the Gaza Strip from the outside world.
IOF arrested a Palestinian civilians at a checkpoint in the West Bank.

IOF have continued efforts to create a Jewish demographic majority in East Jerusalem.
The Israeli municipality of Jerusalem approved the construction of 2,500 housing units in "Gilo" settlement in the south of Jerusalem.
IOF razed houses and barnyards in Jabal al-Mukabber neighborhood and 'Anata village.

IOF have continued settlement activities in the West Bank and Israeli settlers have continued to attack Palestinian civilians and property.
IOF closed 6 wells in Jenin.
IOF handed dozens of demolitions orders in the south of Hebron.
Israeli settlers uprooted 35 olive trees in the south of Hebron. 


Summary

Israeli violations of international law and humanitarian law in the OPT continued during the reporting period (07 – 13 June 2012):

Shooting:

During the reporting period, IOF used force to disperse peaceful demonstrations organized in protest to the construction of the annexation wall and settlement activities in the West Bank and in solidarity with Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails.  As a result, dozens of demonstrators also suffered from tear gas inhalation. 

During the reporting period, Israeli gunboats attacked opened fire at Palestinian fishing boats in the northern and central Gaza Strip on 6 occasions.  No casualties were reported. 

IOF positioned at the border between the Gaza Strip and Israeli opened fire at Palestinian communities and agricultural land, but no casualties were reported. 

Incursions:

During the reporting period, IOF conducted at least 43 military incursions into Palestinian communities in the West Bank.  During these incursions, IOF arrested 18 Palestinian civilians, including 4 children.  

In the Gaza Strip, IOF conducted two limited incursions into Palestinian areas, during which they razed 43 dunums of agricultural land and destroyed irrigation networks and agricultural pools.

Restrictions on Movement:

Israel had continued to impose a tightened siege on the OPT and imposed severe restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem.

The illegal Israeli-imposed closure of the Gaza Strip, which has steadily tightened since June 2007, has had a disastrous impact on the humanitarian and economic situation in the Gaza Strip. The illegal closure has caused not only a humanitarian crisis but a crisis of human rights and human dignity for the population of the Gaza Strip.  Measures declared recently to ease the blockade are vague, purely cosmetic and fail to deal with the root causes of the crisis, which can only be addressed by an immediate and complete lifting of the closure, including lifting the travel ban into and out of the Gaza Strip and the ban on exports. Palestinians in Gaza may no longer suffer from the same shortage of goods, but they will remain economically dependent and unable to care for themselves, and socially, culturally and academically isolated from the rest of the world.

IOF have continued to impose severe restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians throughout the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem. Thousands of Palestinian civilians from the West Bank and the Gaza Strip continue to be denied access to Jerusalem.

Efforts to Create a Jewish Demographic Majority in East Jerusalem:

On 07 June 2012, the Israeli municipality of Jerusalem approved a plan to build 2,500 housing units in "Gilo" settlement on Abu Ghumain Mount in the south of Jerusalem. 

On the same day, IOF, accompanied by bulldozers, stormed the community of Arab al-Jahalin near 'Anata village, east of occupied Jerusalem, and closed the area.  They tore down 5 tents and 5 sheds belonging to 5 families.  IOF claimed that military exercises would be conducted in the area.  According to eyewitnesses, the bulldozers tore down the tents and the sheds without prior warning.  

On 12 June 2012, IOF, accompanied by bulldozers, moved into al-Sal’a area in Jbal al-Mukabber neighborhood in occupied East Jerusalem.  They demolished a number of sheds that are used as barnyards, established on a 700-square-meter area of land.  IOF also destroyed 20 tons of barleys, imposed on the owner of the barnyards a demolition fee of 50,000 ILS and obligated him to remove the debris. 

Settlement Activities:  

Israel has continued its settlement activities in the OPT in violation of international humanitarian law, and Israeli settlers have continued to attack Palestinian civilians and property.

On 07 June 2012, IOF moved into agricultural plains located near Beit Qad village, east of Jenin.  They closed 6 wells after destroying their electricity cables, water pipelines and motors. 
  
On the same day, IOF moved into Far’oun village, south of Tulkarm.  They handed a notice to Bassam and Hussam Hassan Suleiman ordering demolition of their 75-square-meter, two-storey house, which is located nearly 75 meters away from the annexation wall. 

On the same day, a number of Israeli settlers from "Eliazer" settlement, south of Bethlehem, stole iron bars and barbwire surrounding fields belonging to a number of Palestinian farmers from the Salah family in al-Khader village.  The farmers stated that they found leaflets on their lands, which indicate that this attack was launched by an Israeli organization known as "Green Helmets."

On 08 June 2012, IOF stormed Khirbat al-Mafqara area to the east of Yatta village, south of Hebron. They surrounded a site of the construction of a mosque and forced the workers to stop building the mosque. 

On 11 June 2012, Israeli settlers from "Ma’oun" settlement, south of Hebron, uprooted 30 olive trees in al-Tawani village, south of Hebron.

On 11 June 2012, a number of Israeli settlers from "Karmi Tsur" settlement, which stands on the lands of Beit Ummar town, north of Hebron, attacked a Palestinian farmer, Hamdi Abu Maria, when he was working on his land.  When a number of Palestinian civilians and international human rights defenders intervened to protect the farmer, IOF intervened and violently beat Mousa 'Abdul Hamid Abu Maria, 35, a member of the Public Committee, and arrested him.  He was injured in the head as an Israeli soldier hit him using the gun butt. 

On 12 June 2012, IOF moved into Sousia village, south of Hebon.  They handed notices to a number of Palestinian civilians ordering demolition of 52 houses and civilian facilities, including a clinic and a kindergarten. 


Israeli Violations Documented during the Reporting Period (07 – 13 June 2012)

1. Incursions into Palestinian Areas and Attacks on Palestinian Civilians and Property in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip

Thursday, 07 2012

At approximately 01:00, IOF moved into al-Dyouk village, northwest of Jericho.  They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later.  Neither house raids nor arrests were reported.

At approximately 01:30, IOF moved into al-Yamoun village, west of Jenin.  They raided and searched a house belonging to the family of Mo’ayad Ahmed Jaradat, 27, and arrested him.

At approximately 03:30, IOF moved into Bitounia town, west of Ramallah.  They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later.  Neither house raids nor arrests were reported.

At approximately 08:00, IOF moved into Kufor al-Dik village, west of Salfit.  They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later.  Neither house raids nor arrests were reported.

At approximately 09:00, IOF moved into Kharabtha al-Misbah village, southwest of Ramallah.  They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later.  Neither house raids nor arrests were reported.

At approximately 09:30, IOF moved into Nabi Saleh village, northwest of Ramallah.  They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later.  Neither house raids nor arrests were reported.

At approximately 10:00, IOF moved into Qibya village, west of Ramallah.  They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later.  Neither house raids nor arrests were reported.

At approximately 11:00, IOF moved into Fassayel village, north of Jericho.  They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later.  Neither house raids nor arrests were reported.

At approximately 14:55, IOF moved into Qalqilya.  They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later.  Neither house raids nor arrests were reported.

At approximately 15:30, IOF moved into al-Janya village, northwest of Ramallah.  They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later.  Neither house raids nor arrests were reported.

At approximately 20:00, IOF moved into al-Jiftlek village, north of Jericho.  They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later.  Neither house raids nor arrests were reported.

At approximately 20:40, IOF moved into Jeet village, northeast of Qalqilya.  They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later.  Neither house raids nor arrests were reported.

At approximately 21:30, IOF moved into Jalboun village, east of Jenin.  They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later.  Neither house raids nor arrests were reported.

At approximately 23:00, IOF moved into Beit 'Aur al-Tahta village, west of Ramallah.  They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later.  Neither house raids nor arrests were reported.

At approximately 23:30, IOF moved into Ras 'Atiya village, southeast of Qalqilya.  They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later.  Neither house raids nor arrests were reported.

Friday, 08 June 2012

At approximately 09:30, IOF moved into Sinjel village, north of Ramallah.  They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later.  Neither house raids nor arrests were reported.

At approximately 11:30, IOF moved into Dura al-Qare’ village, northeast of Ramallah.  They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later.  Neither house raids nor arrests were reported.

At approximately 17:00, IOF moved into 'Izbat Shoufa village, southeast of Tulkarm.  They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later.  Neither house raids nor arrests were reported.

Saturday, 09 June 2012  

At approximately 00:30, IOF moved into 'Aanin village, northwest of Jenin.  They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later.  Neither house raids nor arrests were reported.

At approximately 01:00, IOF moved into 'Obwin village, northwest of Ramallah.  They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later.  Neither house raids nor arrests were reported.

At approximately 06:00, Israeli gunboats stationed opposite to Deir al-Balah seashore in the central Gaza Strip opened fire at Palestinian fishing boats that were sailing 3 nautical miles from the shore.  Palestinian fishermen were forced to sail back to the beach and no casualties were reported.

At approximately 09:00, IOF moved into Koubar village, northwest of Ramallah.  They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later.  Neither house raids nor arrests were reported.

Also at approximately 09:00, IOF moved into al-'Ouja village, north of Jericho.  They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later.  Neither house raids nor arrests were reported.

At approximately 10:30, IOF moved into Burqa village, northeast of Ramallah.  They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later.  Neither house raids nor arrests were reported.

At approximately 14:00, IOF moved into Deir Qeddis village, northwest of Ramallah.  They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later.  Neither house raids nor arrests were reported.

At approximately15:30, IOF moved into Deir Jarir village, northeast of Ramallah.  They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later.  Neither house raids nor arrests were reported.

At approximately 19:00, IOF moved into Toura al-Gharbiya village, southwest of Jenin.  They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later.  Neither house raids nor arrests were reported.

At approximately 21:40, IOF moved into 'Ein al-Sultan refugee camp, west of Jericho.  They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later.  Neither house raids nor arrests were reported.

At approximately 23:30, IOF moved into Beit 'Aur al-Tahta village, southwest of Ramallah.  They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later.  Neither house raids nor arrests were reported.

Sunday, 10 June 2012

At approximately 01:00, IOF moved into Beit 'Awa village, southwest of Hebon.  They raided and searched a number of houses and arrested two Palestinian civilians:

1. Mohammed Ibrahim al-Swaiti, 35; and
2. Mohammed 'Aadel al-Swaiti, 20.

At approximately 02:00, IOF moved into Deir al-Ghossoun village, north of Tulkjarm.  They raided and searched a house belonging to the family of Bilal Fathallah Zaidan, 39, and arrested him.  They also confiscated a number of computer hard disks.  They then raided and searched a house belonging to the family of Khaled Mahmoud Khalil, 45, and arrested him.  They also raided and searched a house belonging to the family of Mohammed Saleh Qe’dan, 23, and arrested him. 

At approximately 07:30, IOF moved into Deir al-Ghossoun village, north of Tulkarm.  They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later.  Neither house raids nor arrests were reported.

At approximately 08:00, Israeli gunboats stationed opposite to Deir al-Balah seashore in the central Gaza Strip opened fire at Palestinian fishing boats that were sailing 3 nautical miles from the shore.  Palestinian fishermen were forced to sail back to the beach and no casualties were reported.

Also at approximately 08:00, IOF moved into Qarawat Bani Hassan village, northwest of Salfit.  They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later.  Neither house raids nor arrests were reported.

At approximately 09:55, IOF moved into Kufor Qaddoum village, north of Qalqilya.  They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later.  Neither house raids nor arrests were reported.

At approximately 14:30, IOF moved into Jaba’ village, south of Jenin.  They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later.  Neither house raids nor arrests were reported.

At approximately 21:40, IOF moved into Nabi Elias village, east of Qalqilya.  They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later.  Neither house raids nor arrests were reported.

At approximately 23:30, IOF moved into Artah suburb, south of Tulkarm.  They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later.  Neither house raids nor arrests were reported.

Also at approximately 23:30, IOF moved into 'Azzoun village, east of Qalqilya.  They raided and searched a number of houses and arrested 3 Palestinian civilians, including two children:

1. Mansour Bassim Saleem, 18;
2. Ahmed Bassim Saleem, 17; and
3. 'Abdul Jaber Jamal Saleem, 17.

They also held Ismail Saleh Swaidan, 44, for a few hours.

Monday, 11 June 2012

At approximately 01:00, IOF moved into Beit Ummar town, north of Hebron.  They raided and searched a number of houses and arrested two Palestinian children:

1. Mohammed Jamal Abu Hashem, 16; and
2. Malek Jawad 'Awadh, 15. 

IOF also fired tear gas canisters and sound bombs at a number of houses and a mosque in the town.

At approximately 02:00, IOF moved into Kufor Dan village, northwest of Jenin.  They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later.  Neither house raids nor arrests were reported.

At approximately 04:45, IOF positioned at the border between the Gaza Strip and Israel to the east of Khan Yunis opened fire at Palestinian communities and agricultural areas in al-Qarara and al-Fukhari villages.  No casualties were reported.

At approximately 06:00, Israeli gunboats opened fire at 17 Palestinian fishing boats that were sailing nearly 3 nautical miles from al-Zawaida seashore in the central Gaza Strip.  Palestinian fishermen were forced to sail back to the beach and no casualties were reported.

At approximately 08:30, Israeli gunboats stopped a Palestinian fishing boats opposite to Beit Lahia seashore in the northern Gaza Strip.  Israeli naval troops forced Jihad and Mohammed Bashir Abu Riala, 22 and 18 respectively, who were on board the boat to take their clothes off.  They then chased and fired at the two fishermen.  No casualties were reported, but the two fishermen lost their fishing nets.

At approximately 15:00, IOF moved into Tulkarm.  They raided an under-construction building belonging to the al-Shaf’ei family at Shwaika Street in the north of the town.  They arrested the owners of the buildings, engineers and workers.  Later, they released all detainees, excluding 3 brothers: 'Eid, Mazen and Hameed 'Olayan al-Shaf’ei, 32, 30 and 28 respectively.  The detainees’ uncle stated to PCHR that IOF raided the building one a person who was known to be wanted by IOF entered the building, and arrested him together with the three brothers.

At approximately 21:00, Israeli gunboats stationed opposite to Beit Lahia seashore in the northern Gaza Strip opened fire at Palestinian fishing boats.  Palestinian fishermen were forced to sail back to the beach and no casualties were reported.

Tuesday, 12 June 2012

At approximately 01:00, IOF moved into Bethlehem.  They raided and searched a house belonging to the family of Mahmoud 'Abdul Rahman al-Hajj, 26, and arrested him. 

At approximately 02:30, IOF moved into Til village, southwest of Nablus.  They raided and searched a number of houses and arrested 3 Palestinian civilians:

1. Firas Ibrahim Ramadan, 24;
2. Ibrahim Mustafa Ghannam, 24; and
3. Bashar Nayef Silwadi, 25.

At approximately 06:00, Israeli gunboats stationed opposite to Beit Lahia seashore in the northern Gaza Strip opened fire at Palestinian fishing boats.  Palestinian fishermen were forced to sail back to the beach and no casualties were reported.

At approximately 08:30, IOF moved nearly 700 meters into the central Gaza Strip.  They razed areas of Palestinian agricultural land.  During this incursion, IOF fired a number of incendiary bombs, which burnt some wheat fields.  IOF moved back to the border between the Gaza Strip and Israel at approximately 16:15 after having razed 43 dunums of agricultural land planted with olives, palms, grapes, vegetables, wheat and corns, belonging to the families of Abu Mughassib and Abu Muhareb.  They had also destroyed a number irrigation networks and agricultural pools.   

At approximately 08:40, IOF moved nearly 300 meters into al-Qarara village, northeast of the southern Gaza Strip of Khan Yunis.  They leveled areas of Palestinian land which they had already razed.

At approximately 13:00, Israeli helicopter gunships opened fire at agricultural areas in al-Qarara and 'Abassan villages, east of Khan Yunis.  No casualties were reported. 

Wednesday, 13 June 2012

At approximately 02:00, IOF moved into Balata refugee camp, east of Nablus.  They raided and searched a number of houses and arrested 3 Palestinian civilians:

1. 'Ameed Mohammed Hashash, 18;
2. Salah Jom’a Abu Rwais, 18; and
3. Mohammed Bilal Abu Zaytoun, 20.

They also summoned Khaled Mohammed Abu 'Arab and Bahaa’ Jameel Badrasawi for interrogation. 

At approximately 09:15, Israeli soldiers stationed on observation towers at the border between the Gaza Strip and Israel to the northwest of Beit Hanoun opened fire at a number of Palestinian workers who were collecting scraps of construction materials from the destroyed industrial zone, nearly 250 meters away from the border.   No casualties were reported.

2. Use of Excessive Force against Peaceful Demonstrations Protesting Settlement Activities and the Construction of the Annexation Wall

During the reporting period, IOF used force against peaceful demonstrations organized by Palestinian civilians and international and Israeli human rights defenders in protest to the construction of the Wall and settlement activities in the West Bank.  As a result, dozens of demonstrators suffered from tear gas inhalation and others sustained bruises.

Following the Friday Prayer on 08 June 2012, dozens of Palestinian civilians and international and Israeli human rights defenders organized a peaceful demonstration in Bil'ein village, west of Ramallah, in protest to the construction of the annexation wall and.  They raised the Palestinian flag and called for ending political division. They then moved towards areas of annexation wall.  They called through megaphones on Israeli settlers in "Mitityahu" settlement to leave Palestinian land.  Israeli soldiers stationed in the area fired rubber-coated metal bullets, sound bombs and tear gas canisters at the demonstrators.  As a result, a number of demonstrators suffered from tear gas inhalation.

Also following the Friday Prayer on 08 June 2012, dozens of Palestinian civilians and international and Israeli human rights defenders organized a peaceful demonstration in Ne’lin village, west of Ramallah, in protest to the construction of the annexation wall and settlement activities.  The demonstrators moved towards areas of the annexation wall.   Immediately, Israeli soldiers stationed in the area fired rubber-coated metal bullets, sound bombs and tear gas canisters at the demonstrators.  As a result, dozens of demonstrators suffered from tear gas inhalation.

Also following the Friday Prayer on 08 June 2012, dozens of Palestinian civilians and Israeli and international human rights defenders gathered in the center of Nabi Saleh village, northwest of Ramallah, to start the weekly peaceful protest against the construction of the annexation wall and settlement activities.  The protesters walked towards the gate erected by IOF near the entrance of the village and leading to Palestinian lands that Israeli settlers from the nearby "Halmish" settlement are trying to seize.  Israeli soldiers who had been extensively deployed in the area and near all the entrances of the village since the morning, began to confront the protesters who wanted to walk towards the affected lands.  Israeli soldiers fired live and rubber-coated bullets, sound bombs and tear gas canisters at the protesters.  As a result, some demonstrators suffered from tear gas inhalation. 

Other Peaceful Demonstrations:

At approximately 15:00 on Saturday, 09 June 2012, dozens of Palestinian civilians and Israeli and international human rights defenders gathered in the center of Nouba village, southwest of Ramallah.  They organized a peaceful demonstration, which they called the march of return to the evacuated Latroun villages.  Dr. Leila Ghanem, Governor of Ramallah and al-Bireh, and Dr. Wassel Abu Yousef, Member of the Executive Committee of Palestine Liberation Organization, participated in the demonstration.  They moved towards the annexation wall near the village.  Israeli soldiers positioned in the area immediately fired rubber-coated metal bullets, tear gas canisters and sound bombs at them.  As a result, a number of demonstrators suffered from tear gas inhalation, and fire broke out in some agricultural areas near the annexation wall.

On Monday noon, 11 June 2012, dozens of Palestinian civilians, peacefully demonstrated in front of Oufar Prison, southwest of Ramallah, in solidarity with Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails, especially Mahmoud al-Sarasak, who has been on hunger strike for 90 days.  They raised the Palestinian flag and portraits of Mahmoud al-Sarska, Akram al-Rakhawi and Samer al-Barq, Palestinian detainees who have been on hunger strike.  They played football to express solidarity with Mahmoud al-Sarsak, who is a member of the Palestinian national football team.  Israeli soldiers fired rubber-coated metal bullets, tear gas canisters and sound bombs at the demonstrators.  As a result, a number of demonstrators suffered from tear gas inhalation.     

3. Continued Closure of the OPT

Israel has continued to impose a tightened closure of the OPT and imposed severe restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem.

Gaza Strip

Israel has continuously closed all border crossings to the Gaza Strip for nearly 5 years. The illegal Israeli-imposed closure of the Gaza Strip, which has steadily tightened since June 2007, has had a disastrous impact on the humanitarian and economic situation in the Gaza Strip.  

IOF have tightened the closure of the Gaza Strip and practically made Karm Abu Salem crossing as the sole commercial crossing of the Gaza Strip although it is not proper for commercial purposes in terms of its distance and operational capacity.

IOF have continued to apply their policy aimed at tightening the strangulation of the commercial movement in the Gaza Strip, including imposing total control over the flow of imports and exports.

The total closure of al-Mentar "Karni" crossing on 02 March 2011 has created a bitter situation that has seriously affected the Gaza Strip.  Following this closure, all the economic and commercial establishments in Gaza Commercial Zone were shut off.  It should be noted that al-Mentar crossing is the biggest crossing in the Gaza Strip in terms of its operational capacity to absorb the flow of imports and exports.  The decision of al-Mentar crossing was the culmination of a series of decisions to totally close Sofa crossing, east of the Gaza Strip, in the beginning of 2009, and Nahal Oz crossing, east of Gaza City, which was dedicated for the delivery of fuel and cooking gas to the Gaza Strip, in the beginning of 2010.

IOF have continued to impose total ban on the delivery of raw materials to the Gaza Strip, except for very limited items and quantities.  The limited quantities of raw materials allowed into Gaza do not meet the minimal needs of the civilian population in the Gaza Strip.

The cooking gas crisis which has erupted last November has continued to affect the Gaza Strip.  This crisis was created when the Israeli occupation authorities totally closed, on 04 January 2010, Nahal Oz crossing, which used to be dedicated for the delivery of fuel and cooking gas supplies to Gaza, and shifted fuel and cooking gas supplies to Karm Abu Salem crossing which is not technically equipped to receive Gaza's needs of fuel.  Karm Abu Salem crossing, with its maximum absorptive capacity, can receive only 200 tons of cooking gas per day.

Approximately 80% of Gaza civilians have continued to depend on alimentary aid provided by UNRWA and other relief agencies, rates of families who are living below poverty line have continued to be on the rise and approximately 40% of Gaza's manpower has continued to suffer from permanent unemployment as a result of shutting down the majority of Gaza's economic establishments.

IOF have continued to impose a total ban on the exportation of Gaza's products, especially industrial products, leading to undermining any real chances to rerun economic establishments.  The situation has been aggravated especially after making Karm Abu Salem crossing as Gaza sole commercial crossing and the repeated closure of this crossing which negatively affected the quantity of Gazan products which were allowed to be exported during last April.

For approximately five consecutive years, IOF have continued to ban the delivery of construction materials to Gaza. During the reporting period, IOF approved the delivery of limited quantities of construction materials for a number of international organizations.

Israel has continued to close Beit Hanoun (Erez) crossing for Palestinian civilians from the Gaza Strip.  IOF only allow the movement of limited groups amidst severe restrictions, including long hours of waiting in the majority of cases.  IOF have also continued to adopt a policy aimed at reducing the number of Palestinian patients allowed to move via Beit Hanoun crossing to receive medical treatment in hospitals in Israel or in the West Bank and Jerusalem.  IOF denied new categories of Gazan patient permission to have access to hospitals via the crossing.

Israel has imposed additional access restrictions on traders, international diplomats, journalists and humanitarian workers seeking to enter the Gaza Strip.  On Wednesday evening, 14 March 2012, IOF arrested Ahmed Subhi al-Kahlout, 40, a trader from Gaza City, when he was traveling via Beit Hanoun crossing.

For approximately 59 months, IOF have continued to deny approximately 700 Palestinian prisoners from Gaza detained in Israeli jails their visitation rights without providing any justification to this measure, which violates the rules of the international humanitarian law.

Movement at Border Crossings during the Reporting Period:

Movement at Rafah International Crossing Point
06 – 12 June 2012

Day
Date
Traveling abroad
Coming into Gaza
Returned into Gaza
Wednesday
06 June 2012
919
509
21
Thursday
07 June 2012
936
800
76
Friday
08 June 2012
--
One traveler and a corpse
--
Saturday
09 June 2012
697
837
250
Sunday
10 June 2012
498
863
12
Monday
11 June 2012
475
680
15
Tuesday
12 June 2012
856
769
37


Movement at Karm Abu Salem (Kerem Shalom) Crossing
06 – 10 June 2012

Imports:

Date
Imports
Category
Amount
Tons
Number
Liters
06 June 2012
Foodstuffs
778
Agricultural materials
1,431
Various goods
Cartons of clothes
Refrigerators
Cartons of shoes
Water tanks
Gas ovens
Fans
Cars
1,172

1,076
251
980
240
1,044
828
20
Humanitarian aid
3,877
Cooking gas
226.330
07 June 2012
Foodstuffs
652
Agricultural materials
2,367
Various goods
Cartons of clothes
Refrigerators
Machines
Car tires  
1,092
1,440
90
12
359
Humanitarian aid
3,420
Cooking gas
156.800
Industrial fuel from Israel
74,599
Industrial fuel from Qatar
151,739
08 June 2012
Industrial fuel from Qatar
200,000
10 June 2012
Foodstuffs
812
Agricultural materials
1,996
Various goods
Cartons of clothes
Refrigerators
Water tanks
Cars
Fans
Air conditioners
Car tires 
892

1,059
108
585
30
528
80
1,140
Humanitarian aid
4,493
Cooking gas
133.330
Industrial fuel from Israel
216,120
Industrial fuel from Qatar
173,950

Notes:

On Wednesday, 06 June 2012, IOF allowed the entry of 112 tons of cement, 1,400 tons of construction aggregates and 110 tons of construction steel for UNRWA; and 2,100 tons of construction aggregates for the Palestinian Water Authority.  They also allowed the entry of 741 tons of fodders and 507 tons of wheat.

On Thursday, 07 June 2012, IOF allowed the entry 40 tons of cement and 32 tons of construction steel for UNDP; and 3,010 tons of construction aggregates for the Palestinian Water Authority.  They also allowed the entry of 936 tons of fodders and 468 tons of wheat. 

On Sunday, 10 June 2012, IOF allowed the entry of 140 tons of cement and 3,220 tons of construction aggregates for UNRWA; and 700 tons of construction aggregates for the Palestinian Water Authority.  They also allowed the entry of 741 tons of fodders and 351 tons of wheat.

Movement at Beit Hanoun (Erez) Crossing
06 – 12 June 2012

Date
06 June
07 June
08 June
09 June
10 June
11 June
12 June
Patients
25
34
2
Nil
56
32
67
Companions
24
37
1
Nil
54
32
47
Arabs from Israel
6
1
Nil
Nil
35
7
2
Diplomats
14
6
Nil
Nil
Nil
Nil
Nil
International Journalists
Nil
Nil
Nil
Nil
2
2
2
International Workers
35
59
12
Nil
25
15
27
Travelers abroad
Nil
Nil
Nil
Nil
Nil
Nil
1
Business People
82
67
28
Nil
108
104
85
Economic Meetings
Nil
Nil
Nil
Nil
Nil
Nil
Nil
Security Interviews
1
Nil
Nil
Nil
Nil
1
3
VIP's
1
Nil
Nil
Nil
2
9
1
Ambulances toIsrael
1
2
1
1
2
2
2
Ambulances fromIsrael
1
1
Nil
Nil
2
1
Nil

The West Bank

Israel has imposed a tightened closure on the West Bank. During the reporting period, IOF imposed additional restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians.

There are approximately hundreds of permanent roadblocks, and manned and unmanned checkpoints across the West Bank.

When complete, the illegal annexation wall will stretch for 724 kilometers around the West Bank, further isolating the entire population. 350 kilometers of the wall have already been constructed. Approximately 99% of the wall has been constructed inside the West Bank itself, confiscating more Palestinian land.

Many of the main roads that lead to Palestinian communities in the West Bank are closed or fully controlled by IOF.

IOF have continued to restrict access of Palestinian civilians from the West Bank to East Jerusalem, through a strict system of permits and a network of checkpoints.

IOF have completed controlled access to the Jordan Valley through 4 permanent checkpoints established at its entrances.  Palestinians living outside the area are not allowed to enter it without permits.

Settlement activities and expansion of settlements impose additional restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians. 

IOF have continued to restrict access to gunfire areas and natural reserves, which constitute about 26% of the total area of the West Bank.

Israeli military checkpoints restrict the movement of goods throughout the West Bank.

Palestinian civilians continue to be harassed by IOF in Jerusalem, and across the West Bank, including being regularly stopped, searched and even arrested in the streets by IOF.

Israel has imposed a tightened closure on the West Bank. During the reporting period, IOF imposed additional restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians:

Jerusalem: IOF have continued to impose severe restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians to and from the city. Thousands of Palestinian civilians from the West Bank and the Gaza Strip have been denied access to the city. IOF have established many checkpoints around and inside the city.  Restrictions of the movement of Palestinian civilians often escalate on Fridays, preventing young Muslim Palestinians from praying at al-Aqsa Mosque.

Ramallah:  IOF have continued to impose severe restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians.  At approximately 10:30 on Thursday, 07 June 2012, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance of Beit Liqya villahe, west of Ramallah.  At approximately 13:00, IOF established a checkpoint at Beit 'Aur al-Fouqa intersection, southwest of Ramallah.  At approximately 16:00, IOF established a checkpoint under Kharabtha al-Misbah Bridge, southwest of Ramallah.  At approximately 18:30, IOF re-established their presence at 'Attara checkpoint, north of Ramallah.  At approximately 09:00 on Friday, 08 June 2012, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance of Nabi Saleh village, northwest of Ramallah.  At approximately 11:30, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance of Kharabtha Bani Hareth village, west of Ramallah.  At approximately 19:00, IOF established a checkpoint at Beit 'Aur al-Fouqa intersection, southwest of Ramallah.  At approximately 10:00 on Saturday, IOF established a checkpoint between Beit Liqya and Kharabtha al-Misbah villages, southwest of Ramallah.  At approximately 16:00, IOF re-established their presence at 'Attara checkpoint, north of Ramallah.  At approximately 09:30 on Sunday, 10 June 2012, IOF established a checkpoint under Kharabtha al-Misbah Bridge, west of Ramallah.  At approximately 10:40, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance of al-Lubban al-Gharbi village, northwest of Ramallah. 

Qalqilya:  IOF have continued to impose severe restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians.  At approximately 13:30 on Thursday, 07 June 2012, IOF established a checkpoint near Jainsafout village, on Wadi Qana road between Qalqilya and Salfit.  At approximately 16:55, IOF established a checkpoint between Jainsafout and Kufor Laqef villages on Qalqilya-Nablus road.  On Sunday, 10 June 2012, IOF established 3 checkpoints around Qalqilya.  At approximately17:00 on Monday, 11 June 2012, IOF established a checkpoint at the eastern entrance of Qalqilya.  At approximately 22:15 on the same day, IOF established a checkpoint near Jainsafout village.         

Jenin: IOF have continued to impose severe restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians.  At approximately 09:30 on Sunday, 10 June 2012, IOF established a checkpoint between Qabatya and al-Zababda villages, south of Jenin.  At approximately 16:00, IOF established a checkpoint at Jaba’ intersection, southeast of Jenin.  At approximately 10:00 on Monday, 11 June 2012, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance of Sanour village, southeast of Jenin.        

Tulkarm:  IOF have continued to impose severe restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians.  At approximately 08:00 on Saturday, 09 June 2012, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance of Qiffin village, north of Tulkarm.  At approximately 15:30, Israeli soldiers positioned at Ennab checkpoint, east of Tulkarm, imposed additional restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians.   At approximately 08:00 on Sunday, 10 June 2012, IOF established a checkpoint between al-Jaroushiya and Deir al-Ghoussoun villages, north of Tulkarm. 

Jericho: IOF have continued to impose severe restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians.  At approximately 09:40 on Thursday, 07 June 2012, IOF established a checkpoint at the southern entrance of Jericho.  At approximately 11:00 on Saturday, 09 June 2012, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance of 'Ein al-Dyouk village, north of Jericho.  At approximately 11:30, IOF established a checkpoint at the southern entrance of Jericho.  At approximately 16:30, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance of Fassayel village, north of Jericho.  At approximately 10:00 on Sunday, 10 June 2012, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance of al-Jiftlek village, north of Jericho.  At approximately 21:30, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance of al-Zbaidat village, north of Jericho. 

Salfit: IOF have continued to impose severe restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians.  At approximately 07:20 on Friday, 08 June 2012, IOF established a checkpoint between al-Zawia and Rafat villages, west of Salfit.    

4. Efforts to Create a Jewish Demographic Majority in East Jerusalem

Israeli occupation authorities have continued efforts aimed at creating a Jewish demographic majority in East Jerusalem.

On Thursday, 07 June 2012, the Israeli municipality of Jerusalem approved a plan to build 2,500 housing units in "Gilo" settlement on Abu Ghumain Mount.  The "Walla" website in Hebrew reported that the engineer of the municipality approved the plan which was referred to the district committee for construction and organization for final approval.  A Jewish businessman presented the plan to the municipality to approve the construction, and the municipality approved it.  A spokesman of the municipality confirmed the municipality’s approval of the plan, and stressed that the municipality would continue to build housing units throughout Jerusalem.

On Thursday evening, 07 June 2012, IOF, accompanied by bulldozers, stormed the community of Arab al-Jahalin near 'Anata village, east of occupied Jerusalem, and closed the area.  They tore down 5 tents and 5 sheds belonging to 5 families.  IOF claimed that military exercises would be conducted in the area.  According to eyewitnesses, the bulldozers tore down the tents and the sheds without prior warning.   

At approximately 07:30 on Tuesday, 12 June 2012, IOF, accompanied by bulldozers, moved into al-Sal’a area in Jbal al-Mukabber neighborhood in occupied East Jerusalem.  They demolished a number of sheds that are used as barnyards, established on a 700-square-meter area of land, belonging to 'Aziz Jameel Ja’abis.  According to Ja’abis, IOF forced him to take his sheep out, destroyed 20 tons of barleys, imposed on him a demolition fee of 50,000 ILS and obligated him to remove the debris.  

5. Settlement Activities and Attacks by Settlers against Palestinian Civilians and Property

Israel has continued its settlement activities in the OPT in violation of international humanitarian law, and Israeli settlers have continued to attack Palestinian civilians and property.

At approximately 07:00 on Thursday, 07 June 2012, IOF moved into agricultural plains located near Beit Qad village, east of Jenin.  They closed 6 wells after destroying their electricity cables, water pipelines and motors.  These wells belong to 'Essam 'Ezzat Yassin, Mahmoud Shareef Yassin, 'Ali Mohammed al-Qadi, Mahmoud al-Hasnawi and 'Abdul Mon’em Ahmed Daraghma.  According to Darghma, the reparation of each well costs at least 20,000 ILS. 
  
At approximately 10:0 also on Thursday, 07 June 2012, IOF moved into Far’oun village, south of Tulkarm.  They handed notices to Bassam and Hussam Hassan Suleiman ordering demolition of their 75-square-meter, two-storey house, which is located nearly 75 meters away from the annexation wall.  According to the two brothers, they had received several similar notices since 1999, and the case is being considered by Israeli courts.

On Thursday morning, 07 June 2012, a number of Israeli settlers from "Eliazer" settlement, south of Bethlehem, stole iron bars and barbwire surrounding fields belonging to a number of Palestinian farmers from the Salah family in al-Khader village.  The farmers stated that they found leaflets on their lands, which indicate that this attack was launched by an Israeli organization known as "Green Helmets."

On Friday morning, 08 June 2012, IOF stormed Khirbat al-Mafqara area to the east of Yatta village, south of Hebron. They surrounded a site of the construction of a mosque and forced the workers to stop building the mosque. 

On Sunday morning, 11 June 2012, Israeli settlers from "Ma’oun" settlement, south of Hebron, uprooted 30 olive trees belonging to Fadel and Jebrik Reb’ei in al-Tawani village, south of Hebron.

On Monday noon, 11 June 2012, a number of Israeli settlers from "Karmi Tsur" settlement, which stands on the lands of Beit Ummar town, north of Hebron, attacked a Palestinian farmer, Hamdi Abu Maria, when he was working on his land.  According to Yousef Abu Maria, the spokesman of the Public Committee against the Wall and Settlements in Beit Ummar town, Israeli settlers threw stones at the farmer and prevented him from working on his land.  When a number of Palestinian civilians and international human rights defenders intervened to protect the farmer, IOF intervened and violently beat Mousa 'Abdul Hamid Abu Maria, 35, a member of the Public Committee, and arrested him.  He was injured in the head as an Israeli soldier hit him using the gun butt.  IOF fired tear gas canisters and sound bombs at Palestinian civilians and international human rights defenders and ordered them to leave the area.

On Tuesday, 12 June 2012, IOF moved into Sousia village, south of Hebon.  They handed notices to a number of Palestinian civilians ordering demolition of 52 houses and civilian facilities, including a clinic and a kindergarten.  The Israeli Haaretz daily reported that IOF would demolish the houses and civilian facilities within 3 days and that Rabbis for Human Rights would file a petition against these demolition order, which were issued following a decision by the Israeli Supreme Court issued in response to a petition filed by an Israeli settlement organization to accelerate the demolition of these houses and civilian facilities.  


…………………………………………………

Recommendations to the International Community


1- PCHR calls upon the High Contracting Parties to the Fourth Geneva Convention to fulfill their legal and moral obligations under Article 1 of the Convention to ensure Israel's respect for the Convention in the Occupied Palestinian Territory.  PCHR believes that the conspiracy of silence practiced by the international community has encouraged Israel to act as if it is above the law and encourages Israel continue to violate international human rights and humanitarian law.

2- PCHR calls upon the High Contracting Parties to the Fourth Geneva Convention to convene a conference to take effective steps to ensure Israel's respect of the Convention in the OPT and to provide immediate protection for Palestinian civilians.

3- PCHR calls upon the High Contracting Parties to the Fourth Geneva Convention to comply with their legal obligations detailed in Article 146 of the Convention to search for and prosecute those responsible for grave breaches, namely war crimes.

4- PCHR calls for the immediate implementation of the Advisory Opinion issued by the International Court of Justice, which considers the construction of the Annexation Wall inside the West Bankillegal.

5- PCHR recommends that international civil society organizations, including human rights organizations, bar associations and NGOs, participate in the process of exposing those accused of grave breaches of international law and urge their governments to bring the perpetrators to justice.

6- PCHR calls upon the European Union to activate Article 2 of the Euro-Israel Association Agreement, which provides that Israel must respect human rights as a precondition for economic cooperation between the EU states and Israel.  PCHR further calls upon the EU states to prohibit import of goods produced in illegal Israeli settlements in the OPT.

7- PCHR calls on the international community to recognize the Gaza disengagement plan, which was implemented in September 2005, for what it is - not an end to occupation but a compounding of the occupation and the humanitarian crisis in the Gaza Strip. 

8- In recognition of ICRC as the guardian of the Fourth Geneva Convention, PCHR calls upon the ICRC to increase its staff and activities in the OPT, including the facilitation of family visitations to Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails.

9- PCHR appreciates the efforts of international civil society, including human rights organizations, bar associations, unions and NGOs, and urges them to continue their role in pressuring their governments to secure Israel's respect for human rights in the OPT and to demand Israel end its attacks on Palestinian civilians.

10- PCHR calls upon the international community to pressure Israel to lift the severe restrictions imposed by the Israeli government and its occupation forces on access for international organizations to the OPT.

11- PCHR reiterates that any political settlement not based on international human rights law and humanitarian law cannot lead to a peaceful and just solution of the Palestinian question.  Rather, such an arrangement can only lead to further suffering and instability in the region.  Any peace process or agreement must be based on respect for international law, including international human rights and humanitarian law.


Public Document

For further information please visit our website (www.pchrgaza.org) or contact PCHR’s office in Gaza City, Gaza Strip by email ( pchr@pchrgaza.org ) or telephone (+972 (0)8 282 4776 – 282 5893).